IMK Weekly Information Service

Date: 21 Dec. 2000 Number: 91
 

On 19.12.2000, on the 62nd day of the protest, Turkish security forces began a large scale operation in 20 prisons against the hunger strikers,.

The following prisons were stormed almost simultaneously: the Ankara Central prison, Aydin, Bartin, Bayrampasa (Istanbul), Buca (Izmir), Bursa, Canakkale, Cankiri, Ceyhan (Adana), Elbistan, Ermenek, Gebze, Kirsehir, Malatya, Mugla, Nazilli, Nevsehir, Nigde, Ulucanlar (Ankara), Ümraniye (Istanbul) und Usak. The security forces also took action in other prisons where hunger strikes and death fasts were taking place,. 

While most of the prisons were taken by the security forces within a few hours, the operation did "persist" in Bayrampasa and Canakkale.

The operation, named "Return to Life", has become the largest prison massacre to have taken place in Turkey.

In the attacks, numerous prisoners were injured and many received life threatening injuries. The exact number of dead is not yet known. There were fires in many prisons. Prisoners had apparently set fire to themselves. It is also rumoured that security forces purposely burnt certain prisoners. Some died of their burns while others received second and third degree burns, some of which are life threatening. Many of the injured prisoners, as long as they were conscious, refused hospital treatment.

During the night prior to the operation, many people were detained particularly relatives of the prisoners, so that the operation would not be hindered by any protests.

In the many protests against the operation, around 500 protestors were arrested by police using batons.

As at 21.12.2000, the situation in the prisons was as follows:

Adana E-Type Prison (Kürkcüler)
Two hunger strikers were taken to hospital. Two female prisoners continued their death fasts.

Ankara Central Prison
Ten female prisoners refused hospital treatment. These included Hatice Yürekli and Fatma Hülya Tumgan who were on death fasts, the hunger strikers Sevinc Sahin Göz, Aynur Siz, Devrim Turan, Cemile Sönmez and Lale Acik, and three prisoners from outside of Ankara

Aydin
There were conflicting reports concerning the prisoner Burhan Gardas on whether he was dead or alive and well.

Following the operation the following people who were on death fasts were taken to the state hospital at Aydin: Sinan Eren, Suat Karabulut, Baris Kaya, Murat Coban and Ilhan Demirel They refused treatment and continued their fasts.

The public prosecutor, Nevzat Turgut, revealed that 69 prisoners had been transferred to the F-Type prison in Sincan.

Bartin Special Prison
Twenty six hunger strikers were wounded in the operation. The prisoners Hamit Süren and Ali Koc (self burns) were taken to Ankara because of their poor condition. The following, who were on death fasts and also received injuries through beatings, were detained in the state hospital in Bartin: Talat Kizil, Cemalettin Polat, Ahmet Yilmaz, Ali Colak, Mustafa Erkan Cetin, Ugur Bülbül, Cemal Yaser, Polat Han, Bekir Baturu, Serdar Karabulut, Hüseyin Canbaz, Savas Kül, Cem Göcer, Mahir Dogurdu, Fehim Horasan and Savas. They refused treatment.

Forty seven prioners were transferred to the Sincan F-Type prison.

Bayrampasa (Istanbul)
Dead: Nil Agcan, Murat Ördekci, Ali Ates, Mustafa Yilmaz, Cengiz Calikoparan, Yazgülü Güder Öztürk, Gülseren Öztürk, Ali Ekber Düzova, Rahsan Kayser, Aydin Hambayat, Halil Önder, Dursun Önder, Nilüfer Alcan, Sefinur Tezgel, Gülser Tuzcu, Serdar Karacelik, Fethi Nur Tezgel, Seyhan Dogan, Özlem Ercan as well as one prisoner burnt beyond recognition.. Concerning Sadi Naci Özpolat, there were reports that he was dead and other reports that he was alive and had been taken to the F-Type prison in Edirne. 

Injured: Hacer Arikan (40% third degree burns) and Birsen Kars (45 % third degree burns) as a result of bombs. The injuries were life threatening.

The following prisoners were in various hospitals in Istanbul: Cuma Sad (gun shot wound), Ali Ekber Düzova (gun shot wound on the heel), Songül Ince (gun shot wound), Ebru Dincer (22 % burns), Gülizar Kara (14 % burns), Fevzi Saygili (gun shot wound, refused treatment), Okan Baris Ekinci (gun shot wound, kidney removed), Erol Arikan (gun shot wound, fracture), Dincer Otlucimen (gun shot wound, fracture), Kenan Calkaya, Murat Torgay, Ali San Yilmaz, Fedai Sahin, Ali Sahin, Ali Riza Dermanli, Hüseyin Aslan, Muzaffer Acunbay, Mesude Pehlivan, Nursel Demirdögücü and Suna Ökmen. It was suspected that the badly injured Ercan Kartal had died.

On the one hand, there were reports that a fire had started during the storming of the prison, and it was not known how many were dead. On the other hand, it was said that having gained entry to the cells, security forces killed or badly injured six prisoners with flame throwers. 

The public prosecutor Özcan Sen said that the public prosecutor’s office were currently investigating the identities of the dead and injured. Because ambulances were already in the prison, it was not known who had been taken to where.

There were at least 14 dead in Bayrampasa. Following the operation 100 prisoners were taken to the F-Type prison in Kocaeli, and 118 to the T-Type prison in Edirne.

The security forces set up control points around the prison. Journalists were then prevented from getting near to the prison. Relatives of the prisoners, who had gathered at the police barricades, were dispersed using water cannons and batons. The bodies of 10 prisoners were taken to the coroner’s office. Public prosecutor Özcan Sen set up an inquiry into the operation at Bayrampasa. The inquiry commission was made up of the public prosecutors Ali Ihsan Demirel, Ali Demir and Cafer Koman as well as a doctor and two secretaries.

Buca E-Type Closed Prison (Izmir)
The following who were on death fasts were taken to hospital with injuries resulting from beatings: Abdullah Bozdag, Baris Yildirim, Celal Alpay, Mesut Avci, Serhat Karadumanli, Ümit Kanli. According to the chief medical officer at the Atatürk Hospital, Dr. Ali Gürbüz, treatment was stopped because the prisoners refused it and even refused the intake of fluids. There was no change to their state of health. 

Bursa Special Prison
Dead: Murat Özdemir, Mesut Örs, Ali Ihsan Özkan (officially reported)

Twenty six injured were taken to the state hospital in Bursa. When they refused treatment they were taken back to prison. The prisoners Yusuf Timur, Cengiz Dumanli accepted treatment.

Four soldiers were injured.

Canakkale
Dead: Fidan Kaslen by self-burning (unconfirmed), Dursun Özdemir by a gun shot wound to the head, Mustafa Mutlu (Soldier), Nurettin Kurt (Soldier).

 Cankiri
Dead: Irfan Ortakci died in the Numune hospital in Ankara. This was revealed by Cankiri’s chief public prosecutor, Ertem Türker. 

Concerning Hasan Güngörmez there were reports on the one hand that he was dead and on the other that he was taken to hospital in Ankara with second degree burns. 

The ministry of health revealed that from 29 injured, 3 were severely injured and 11 were taken to hospital in Ankara. Nine prisoners refused treatment. Five members of the security forces were also taken to hospital. Six prisoners were returned to prison following treatment.

Ceyhan E-Type Prison (Adana)
Halil Öner was severely injured through self-burning. The following were taken to hospital in Adana following injuries from being beaten: Orhan Tarhan, Sevki Cetinkaya, Mehmet Kan, Hidir Acikel, Murat Kirsay, Orhan Gül, Ali Sehmuz, Haydar Demir, Recep Gedik, Halil Deger, Atilcan Saday, Erdal Gülbayir, Demiral Yigitalp, Ali Sahan, Ismail Köroglu, Bener Ekmekci, Yunus Özgür, Semsettin Kalkan, Mahmut Öztürkmen, Osman Dogan, Ali Yildirim, Erkan Kazak, Deniz Sah and Önder Firat.There were a total of 70 injuries.

Elbistan Closed Prison (Kahramanmaras)
One prisoner on a death fast and 11 hunger strikers were taken to hospital.

Ermenek
Twenty hunger strikers were taken to hospital.

Gebze Special Prison
The following required medical treatmment: Düzgün Zengin, who was on a death fast, (head wound), Nurettin Peker (Paker?, injuries from being beaten), Kenan Toykara (Baykara?) and a further person whose name has not yet been revealed. Zengin und Peker apparently refused treatment. The following prisoners were taken to various hospitals: Ali Riza Dermanli (Trauma), Ali Sahin (gun shot wound), Birsen Dermanli (beaten), Celal Sahin ( skull trauma), Duygu Mutlu (beatings), Fedai Sahin (beatings), Sadiman Mutlu (beatings), Nebahat Polat (beatings), Yadigar Bayar (beatings), Rabia Sezgi/Sengül (beatings), Sinan Cam (beatings), Dursun Zengin, Cetin Can, Ali Can Yilmaz (sever injuries), Muhammed Atmaca, Özcan ?, Kenan Oguz, Alisan Yilmaz und Muhammed Akyol (broken hand, 58th day on death fast. 

Kenan Kaybara (Tanbora?), who suffered a skull trauma and was severely injured, was taken to the state hospital in Kartal. The prisoner whose name was not known was still unconscious. 

Three female prisoners and four male were still on death fasts.

Gebze’s public prosecutor, Ahmet Kilic, revealed that medical reports on the following prisoners could not confirm that they were on the 61st day of death fasts: Düzgün Zengin, Duygu Mutlu, Sadiman Mutlu, Yadigar Bayar, Nebahat Polat, Cetin Can und Ali Riza Dermanli. 

Kirsehir Closed Prison
Twelve prisoners were taken to the state hospital. They refused treatment. Following check-ups they were returned to their cells. 

Malatya E-Type Prisom
Fourteen prisoners on death fasts were taken to hospital. A total of 33 were injured.

Mugla E-Type Prison
Ten hunger-strikers were taken to hospital. The prisoner Özgül Dudal continued his hunger strike.

Nazilli
One prisoner on a death fast and 23 hunger strikers were taken to hospital.

Nevsehir E-Type Closed Prison
Following the operation, 8 prisoners were treated in ambulances in the prison grounds. Drips were used. The prisoners were later taken back into the prison. Twelve prisoners were transferred to other prisons. Four prisoners were taken to the F-Type prison in Sincan.

Nigde Closed Prison
Three female prisoners on death fasts were taken to the state hospital. According to Nigde’s chief public prosecutor, following examinations they were then taken back to prison. 

Ulucanlar (Ankara)
The female prisoners Aynur Söz, Fatma Hülya Tümgan, Hatice Yürekli, Lale Acik, Cemile Sönmez und Sevinc Sahingöz were taken to hospital in Ulucanlar with injuries from being beaten.

According to the ministry of health, 14 injured prisoners were released from hospital and 14 refused treatment. The condition of 2 prisoners is critical.

Ümraniye (Istanbul)
Dead: Ahmet Ibili. Ibili wurde was shot dead by soldiers as he ran at them after setting fire to himself. Nurettin Kurt (Gendarmerie non-commissioned officer)

As at 21.12.2000, the operation was being continued.

Usak E-Type Prison
The following were taken to the state hospital having been injured during the operation: Sevgi Erdogan (badly injured through being beaten), Berrin Bickilar (injuries through being beaten), Vicdan Sahin (injuries through being beaten), Sükriye Can, Özlem Tasdemir (injuries through being beaten), Özgür Güdenoglu, Gönül Aslan (injuries through being beaten), Kevser Mizrak, Yeliz Kilic, Hülya Gürlek and Gülcan. Most of the prisoners had burns and injuries from being beaten. The chief medical officer at the hospital, Dr. Özlem Ilbey, revealed that following first aid, further treatment had to be stopped because the prisoners had refused it. As at 21.12.2000 ten prisoners were still in hospital.

The prisoners Sedai Sahin und Ali Senyilmaz were taken to hospital in Kartal. 

According to a report from the Istanbul Chamber of Doctors, the following prisoners were transferred to the prison hospital in Sagmalcilar: Funda Davran, Özgül Dede, Alev Yildiz, Gülperi Özen, Gamze Bayrak, Münire Demirel, Hülya Gülcan, Binali Sarielmas, Güldede Ceren, Bekir Simsek, Serdar Karacevik, Mehmet Kulaksiz, Aslan Aksoy, Duman Altun, Mete Bucak, Tamer Cilingir, Ismail Savas, Ridvan Kodak, Hakan Cardak, Bülent Yigit, Eyüphan Basar, Sefa Gönültas, Taylan Yildiz and Turan Tabakci. It was not revealed from which prisons the prisoners came from. 

The Crisis Centre in the Ministry of Health revealed that 397 prisoners were taken to hospitals during the operation and that 101 were then taken back to prison. The number of prisoners who died in hospital was given as nine. The majority of prisoners refused treatment. According to the association TAYAD, the injured had stopped taken sugar and water.
 

Background
On 19.10.2000, members of the illegal parties DHKP-C (Revolutionary Freedom of Peoples-Front) and the TKP(ML) (Turkish Communist Party (Marxist-Leninist)) began a hunger strike. The hunger strike was in the main against the introduction of the isolation prisons where members of such organisations were to be transferred. 

The following demands were made by the hunger strikers:

Closure of existing F-Type isolation cells

Lifting of the Anti-Terror Article 3713

Abolition of the "Triple Protocol" from the Ministries of Justice, Interior and Health

Closure of the State Security Courts and retraction of all its sentences

Setting up of a committee made up of representatives of prisoners’ relatives, human rights organisations and democratic mass parties to monitor prisons under statutory protection

Sentencing of those responsible for the massacres on 21.9.1995 in Buca, on 4.1.1996 in Ümraniye, on 24.9.1999 in Diyarbakir, on 26.9.1999 in Ulucanlar and on 5.7.2000 in Burdur

Release of those prisoners who since the death fasts of 1996 have been suffering from various illnesses, and who were then injured by military operations and were not treated

Public naming and speedy sentencing of torturers

Abolition of anti-democratic laws which hinder any resistance by people who are for democracy and freedom, and an end to the suppression of the Kurds and other minorities.

Developments
As the protest progressed more and more prisoners joined the hunger strike, it being declared as an indefinite strike and eventually as a fast to the death. The prisoners took only water, salt and sugar. To avoid any early damage to the brain, some prisoners took vitamin B1 prior to the hunger strike. From the 30th day of the hunger strike there was talk of death fasts. On the 61st day of the protest, according to the Justice Minister Hikmet Sami Türk, there were 1,139 prisoners on hunger strike and 284 on death fasts. The number of hunger strikers had risen as high as 9,000 after PKK prisoners decided to join it, but after a short while they left again. 

While the action was initially seen as an action being carried out by illegal left wing Turkish organisations, the breadth of support grew with time. Many notable and respected Turkish journalists, artists and writers such as Oral Calislar, Adalet Agaoglu, Yasar Kemal, Orhan Pamuk, Ercan Karakas, Can Dündar and Zülfü Livaneli expressed their willingness to act as intermediaries between the Ministry of Justice and the prisoners to find a solution and prevent the worst from happening.

The actions in the prisons found wide support from the public. The trade unions DISK, KESK, Hak-Is and Türk-Is, human rights organisations, family groups, representatives of lawyer, doctor and architect associations, journalist associations and the political parties DBP and EMEP, HADEP, ÖDP and SIP, theatre unions and the Turkish PEN association called on the Ministry of Justice to end the F-Type prisons.

Representatives of the Turkish Chamber of Doctors reported on the dramatic weight loss, blindness, kidney failure and circulation problems of many of the hunger striking prisoners. Some of them were "on the edge of death" said Dr. Metin Bakkalci, vice-president of the Turkish Chamber of Doctors at a press conference. "A solution must be found soon because in the next few days the first prisoners may die" he said further.

The general secretary of the Istanbul Chamber of Lawyers, Yücal Sayman called on the Justice Ministry at a press conference on 5.12.2000 to postpone for one year the introduction of F-Type prisons.

On 5.12.2000, the parliamentary Human Rights Commission concerned itself with the protest. The MHP representative Mehmet Aslan supposedly said at the meeting "They should die. What can we do – that’s what they want". The FP representative Mehmet Bkaroglu supposedly retorted "What do you mean, they should die? It’s our duty to prevent them from dying." Bekaroglu apparently said, referring to international documentation, that medical ethics would not permit any medical intervention if this would be against the will of the protestors. The commission then set up a sub commission which would take on the initiative in bringing an end to the hunger strikes. The MHP representative Mehmet Aslan was to be excluded from this sub-commission.

Minister President Bülent Ecevit stated on 5.12.2000 that the death fasts were suicide attempts and the doctors should intervene even if this was against the will of those concerned. He had no doubts concerning the issue of keeping the F-Type prisons.

Because of public pressure Justice Minister Türk was willing, on 9.12.2000, to delay the introduction of the new prisons by 6 months. He emphasized, however, that they would introduce single cell detention. The hunger striking prisoners strengthened their resolve to first end the strikes when the government made a definite statement on abandoning single cell detention. They did not consider the government’s statement to be credible. "If we are not to die in these cells today, then it will be tomorrow. We must make the public aware, even if this means deaths", said the prisoners in the Bayrampasa prison. Justice Minister Türk gave a clear rejection to the prisoners’ demand to at least remove the walls between the single and three-man cells in the F-Type prisons.

The daily increasing number of demonstrations against both the F-Type prisons and for a non-violent solution to the conflict, ended each time with police intervention, with a massive use of batons according to the level of prominence of the demonstrators. Hundreds of arrests were made. Up to 1,000 people took part in each of the demonstrations. The number of hunger strikes and death fasts outside the prison also increased daily. These were not only the relatives of prisoners but also writers, artists, musicians and other notable and prominent persons.

On 11.12.2000, the chairperson of the European Committee for the Prevention of Torture, Silvia Casala, and the secretary of the executive committee, Trevor Stevens, visited the Bayrampasa prison. They stayed from early morning until 7.30 in the evening but gave no statement on leaving the prison.

All intermediaries spoke of the prisoners’ mistrust of any promises made by the government, because the government had broken their promises in the hunger strikes of 1996. As long as there was no guarantee that the cells of the F-Type prison were to be converted into cells for 15-20 prisoners, then the hunger strike would continue. Minister President Ecivit and Justice Minister Türk stated that the prisoners’ demands were unacceptable.

On 14.12.2000 Bülent Ecevit explained that the government had done everything to end the death fasts, but had not achieved anything. "If, God forbid, there should be deaths, then the government should not be made responsible but rather those who are pushing these young people to their deaths.", said Ecevit.

Minister President Ecevit said that the death fasts would continue as long as there was public interest. He requested self-censorship by the media. As a result, the Supreme Council for Radio and Television (RTÜK) warned the media about their coverage of the F-Type prisons and the protests against them. In a written statement, the council criticised that some radio and TV broadcasters had covered the protests in a way that could lead to damaging the state. Following this statement there was a notable reduction in the coverage on television of the hunger strikes.

Intellectuals who were acting as intermediaries pulled out of the negotiations on 15.12.2000. They said that the Justice minister had said in a press conference on 9.12.2000 that the F-Type prisons would be postponed until a consensus had been achieved. Concrete proposals for this consensus needed to be developed.

Following talks with the president of state Ahmet Necdet Sezer, minister president Ecevit stated on 14.12.2000 that parliamentary representatives, civic organisations, writers and artists had all made great efforts. All doubts concerning F-Type prisons had been cleared up. There were, however, those who are organizing and carrying out the death fasts, who persist in making demands that no state can accept. If it came to deaths, then those responsible would be those behind this action.

PKK prisoners stated that in respect of the F-Type prisons, a positive point had been reached and that to show their goodwill, they would end their hunger strike.

On 15.12.2000 the Istanbul State Security Court issued a broadcast ban on any coverage or news which contained statements or propaganda from illegal organisations. The court criticised that reporting of the death fasts and protests against the F-Type prisons were taking a too large a share of media coverage. To counter a protest from the Istanbul public prosecutor, the court said that such reports were in breach of Articles 6 and 7 of the anti terror laws.

From 15.12.2000 – 18.12.2000 there was an increase in protest actions from a wide range of groups and many artists. On the evening of 17.12.2000, the police raided the Istanbul offices of the IHD following a protest meeting. The IHD general secretary and board members were arrested.

On 19.12.2000, the 61st day of the hunger strikes, Operation "Return to Life" began at dawn, which, to date, has caused the deaths of many prisoners.

Minister President Ecevit described the action as an "Initiative to protect and rescue the terrorists from their own terror". He further said that "Our security forces are working in harmony and with a lot of patience. They are doing everything so that nobody suffers. That’s why it is taking some time in some prisons, particularly in Bayrampasa and Ümraniye. An attempt is being made not to break anything and to solve the problem in as peaceful a way as possible.".

Even as the operation was in progress, transfers to the F-Type prisons were being made. The justice minister’s promise to postpone their operation for 6 months no longer applied. Instead, Türk made it known that 490 prisoners had been transferred to the F-Type prisons in Kocaeli, Sincan and Edirne. The interior minister Sadettin Tantan had revealed the news on the first transfers even before justice minister Türk.

A few weeks ago, Justice Minister Türk had stated, as he led members of the press and other groups around the F-Type prison in Sincan, that it would take 4-6 months before the prison could become operational.

On the morning of the 20.12.2000, Bülent Ecevit declared that the operation had "ended with success" and that the "nests of terrorism" no longer existed. "It is to the benefit of our nation" he said finally,

Interior Minister Tantan said to Milliyet, "Examinations of prisoners who were taken from the prisons and into hospital show that most of them were not on death fasts". Tantan said that the hunger strikers were selected by the organisation to be executed in this way. Health minister Osman Durmus also said that there were no death fasts and that the prisoners were in a good state of health.

In contrast, the chairman of Ankara’s chamber of doctors (ATO), Ümit Erkol, said that prisoners who were examined in the Ankara Numune hospital did show signs of being on hunger strike.

Following their examinations of the prisoners, ATO chairman Erkol, general secretary Tufan Kaan and the neurologist Dr. Cagri Temucin said that the prisoners would continue with their death fasts. The other hunger strikers had converted to death fasts. Temucin stated that the prisoners had refused any examination or treatment. ATO chairman Erkol demanded that those doctors who claimed not to have found any indications of hunger strikes or death fasts, to make public their reasons for these claims.

Tanatan said that the leader of the organisation (meaning the DHKP-C) had ordered that the prisoners should set fire to themselves.

The interior minister further said that that special units of the gendarmerie had been preparing for this operation for one year and had practised on mock ups of the prisons. The aim of the operation was to bring the prisons again under their control. It had already been decided prior to the operation that the prisoners would be transferred to the F-Type prisons. "It had already been planned as to who would be transferred into which prison" said Tantan.

In a statement from 19.12.2000, justice minister Türk assessed the operation to be successful and gave his sympathies to the families of the dead prisoners. Even later, as it became clear of the high number of dead and injured, Türk still considered the operation to have been a success and that the damage was only small. Türk declared that there were cells in Bayrampasa where the state had not been able to gain entry since 1991. In some prisons the prisoners had attacked the security forces with Kalaschnikovs, particularly in Bayrampasa and Ümraniye.

The FP parliamentary representative and member of the parliamentary human rights commission; Mehmet Bekaroglu, made a statement condemning justice minister Türk: "Justice minister Türk and the government have cheated everyone. The minister has personally created this situation.". Bekaroglu demanded Türk’s resignation. He had attempted to speak with Ecevit on 18.12.2000. When Ecevit did not respond, he spoke with Türk and told him that the negotiations should again be continued. The political responsibility for any action would be too high. There would be too many deaths. In the event that the transfer of prisoners to the F-Type prisons was to be permanent, Bekaroglu indicated that he would resign from the human rights commission.

On 21.12.2000 it was confirmed that the number of dead exceeded 30. The operation in Cannakle and Ümraniye was still in progress. In Cannakle, 158 prisoners were involved in the resistance. In an attack on the morning of the 21.12.2000, two prisoners were shot dead by soldiers. A woman, whose name was not known, had set fire to herself.

On 21.12.2000 it was also officially stated that 524 prisoners had been transferred to the F-Type prisons in Sincan, Kocaeli and Edirne.

Contrary to the rumours that they had been killed in the operation, Özpolat and Ercan Kartal, considered leaders of the protests, had been transferred to single cells in the Edirne F-Type prison.

The FP representative Mehmet Bekaroglu said that there had been a chance for a non-violent end but the state had intervened too early.

Minister president Ecevit expressed his sympathies to the families of the soldiers who had lost their lives.

The operation "Return to Life", considered a success by Ecevit, has been condemned by the Human Rights Watch.

An apparent recorded telephone conversation between prisoners in Bayrampasa and Bartin, in which the order was given for protestors to set fire to themselves, was seen as evidence that this was act was performed on orders. The recording was played back on Turkish television. However, its was later clear that this was a mock recording used to undermine the credibility of the hunger strikers. Amongst many factors which indicate this, is the fact that the networks Türkcell and Telsim were turned off during the operation and that Handys in Bayrampasa could not receive any calls because of a transformer situated nearby. This was pointed out by the artist Zülfü Livaneli in the main news broadcast from ATV.

The accusation was refuted that the soldier Nurettin Kurt was killed in Ümraniye by a gun shot to the head. There was no sign of gun shot wounds on the body. Kurt apparently died of a skull trauma. The newspaper Evrensel was informed anonymously of this by a doctor.

In the mean time, 1 pistol and 5 Handys were discovered in Cankiri prison following the operation.
 

Outcome
On the 20.12.2000, Minister President Ecevit and Justice Minister Türk stated to the media that the "3 week old top secret and well planned operation by special police and gendarmerie will soon be brought to a close. We are pleased to be able to say this and congratulate the security forces on their success." Ecevit also said "the freeing of the hunger striking terrorists from their terrorist organisations is a clear signal to the public that terrorism has no chance against the state."

In contrast, the member of the parliamentary commission, Bekaroglu, accused the government that through their actions they deceived and even lied to parliament and the public. He called on the government to resign. He pointed out that the government’s promise to attempt to achieve a peaceful and non-violent solution to the situation in the prisons stood in stark contrast to the actions of the security forces.

Current statements by the government make one thing clear. In clearing up the "untenable situation" in the prisons and to transfer political prisoners to the "modern" high security prisons, the government has been carrying out a policy of delaying tactics. 

They had informed the public of a halt to further construction of F-Type prisons. They had agreed to an intermediary body comprised of writers, artists and politicians, similar to that which had mediated between the government and political prisoners in 1996. They promised that there would be no force feeding of those on death fasts. At the same time the government spread the propaganda that they had had no control of these prisons since 1991. Political prisoners in these prisons carried on their political agitation as if they were in a commune. These politically extreme left wing groups could communicate and maintain close contact to their leadership outside of the prison through Handys and satellite systems. The government continually praised the advantages and comfort of the new modern prisons. The prisoners would have the possibility there to receive their rights as individuals in line with European standards.

What is meant by European standards in the new F-Type prisons concerns its construction and the distribution of cells. If constitutional and democratic approaches were evident in these prisons, as well as generally in the state, then there would be no objections to the transfer of prisoners to these prisons as long as it was really about single cells and not isolation detention. From the perspective of human rights, isolation cells are unacceptable because of the massive psychological torture they represent. Modern day Turkey is still miles away from doing things constitutionally.

The arbitrariness of the prison leadership and its staff dominate the prisons. Inhumane treatment and torture happen daily.

In the communal cells, the prisoners have until now had the possibility of defending themselves from this arbitrariness. In the new prisons this will not be possible.

To restrict the media, the radio and TV control authority RTÜK warned the media shortly before the operation against the prisons "not to broadcast and report on the death fasts which might bring damage to the state", otherwise they could expect severe punishments. Public prosecutors and State Security Courts also threatened action against opposition groups and the media.

According to the media, 10 days before the operation all USA consulates in Turkey were closed for an indefinite period. What was the reason for this?

The outcome of the operation is shocking. More than 30 dead, with 2 security force members amongst them. Over 200 injured and 20 prisons destroyed. According to human rights organisation, many of those on death fasts are still refusing to take any food. The police forces are taking brutal action against peacefully protesting relatives and human rights activists.

Virtually all media reproduced the same manipulated governmental and secret service information, justifying the actions of the government.

The question begs whether the government was actually forced to take action in this most brutal way? Has the bloody outcome been worth it for them?

What were the reasons for the government in carrying out such a policy?

For months now the government has been under fire from the public, from business and from European politics because of the following:

Because of their part-amnesty which did not include political prisoners. Even for those whom it can be proved that no acts of violence were perpetrated will not receive amnesty. But the Mafia, money launderers, businesses and banks who have cheated the states out of billions will be freed as well as violent criminals. 

President of state Sezer voted against the law proposal because of its unequal treatment of prisoners and sent it back to parliament. However, the proposal has passed all parliamentary hurdles for the second time without any significant changes. The president of state now finds himself stuck in Bredouille. He has two possibilities. He can vote for the law and then pass it immediately on to the constitutional court who will annul it. However, in the meantime the law will have come into force. The decisions of the constitutional courts are not retrospective so that all those released could not again be detained. Alternatively, the president could again refuse to sign the proposal and must then resign from office.

Since the transfer of office to Ahmet Necdet Sezer, there has been a "Cold War" between the government and the president of state because he refuses to be a stooge for them. His latest act not to nominate the hardliner Vural Savas as the republic’s general public prosecutor but instead a more moderate candidate, was the limit in the view of the government.

About 3 weeks ago 2 police officers were shot dead by unknown perpetrators. Shortly afterwards more than 10,000 police from the special branches in 6 provinces carried out unruly demonstrations and demanded the resignation of minister president Ecevit. More than 4,000 police, in uniform and with loaded weapons, went onto the streets of Istanbul. They shouted slogans such as "Allahuakbar (God is Powerful)" and "tooth for a tooth, blood for blood", as well as "Down with the amnesty law". Their superiors, who wanted to disperse the demonstrators, were harassed and booed by the police.

The government and civil service were apparently shocked that the police and "protectors" of the citizenry had taken such action. Criticism from the media and public was scathing. The government claimed that some kind of secret force or provocateurs had organised the demonstrations. 

Were the organisers really a secret force or was it the government or its "deeper secret service"? The fundamentalist slogan "Allahuakabr" alone points to the suspicion that the action was set up by police special units. This is because the government have been trying for months to bring forward a legal decree to suspend thousands of so called "separatist and fundamentalist police officers" from duty. 

President of state Sezer has twice refused to sign the decree and requested the government to put it before parliament as a law proposal. Because the governing coalition were aware that they would get little support for a law proposal, even from their own representatives, they attempted to achieve their aim of gaining a decree by, for example, using the influence of the military.

Since its return by the president of state a number of months ago, the government have put a law proposal up for examination by a parliamentary committee. Discussions have made it clear, however, that they would not receive the majority required to pass the law. 

Therefore, suspicions have been publicly expressed that the government had set up the demonstrations to show "clearly", at least to their own parliamentary representatives, that fundamentalist forces had penetrated the police forces, and that therefore such a law should be passed preventing this.

The government has been held responsible for the growing economic crisis. Business have accused the government of being incapable and incompetent. The rate of inflation has not sunk as expected, the government’s interest policy has led to the bankruptcy of large firms as well as a flight of capital out of the country and a reduction in investment from abroad.

Because of the governing coalition’s incompetence and unwillingness in negotiations, the EU’s demands in respect of the Copenhagen criteria have not been fulfilled. This includes, amongst other things, the democratisation within the polity and in society, the upholding of human rights and the granting of cultural rights for the Kurds.

The military will not relinquish their control, guaranteed by the existing constitution, within the National Security Council and therefore are hindering the democratisation of the country and a civil society which is necessary for any European integration.

The government are being called upon, from various significant quarters, to resign because there is disharmony between the coalition partners making them incapable of resolving the growing problems within the country. Some are demanding a "national government".

This governmental coalition must therefore demonstrate its strengths and abilities to both the conservative-Right forces within the country as well as to their partners abroad. At the same time they want to show how unyielding they can be in confronting "terrorist forces" not only out in the country but also within the prisons. 

The outcome has, however, been disastrous. If policies within Turkey do not receive any fundamental and future-oriented changes, then the government must again, in a few weeks or months, stage other actions or operations in order to give themselves legitimacy.

Sources: Turkish Human Rights Foundation (TIHV); Turkish Human Rights Association (IHD); News agencies dpa, afp; Newspapers, Radikal, Milliyet, Sabah; Platform for Rights and Freedom (HÖP); Solidarity Association for Families of Prisoners (TAYAD); Istanbul Chamber of Doctors.
 
 

Dear Readers,

In this special edition we have named many names and details and have attempted to provide you with comprehensive information. We could have given you, as usual, the events in a more shortened and summarised form. But we have not done this for this edition because we think that it is important that the dead and injured should not remain anonymous. Their naming may also be significant for their continued survival. We have compared information from various sources up to 21.12.2000 and have made efforts to provide you with reliable information.

As you are probably aware, we do not use the special symbols from the Turkish or Kurdish alphabets. We must unfortunately do this because such symbols cannot so easily be converted within the E-Mai system. 
 
 

We want to provide you with the most up-to-date information as quickly as possible. If you still receive our Weekly Information Service by post but have a Fax or E-Mail address, please let us know. 

As the last edition of the Weekly Information Service this year, we would like to wish you a Happy New Year.

The Editors

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